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24.08.2025
עיתון בין אויבים
A newspaper among enemies
The goals of the war were achieved in the agreement on the table; therefore, there is no practical reason for a second war in Gaza; Hamas agreed:
to disarm and relinquish its rule, to the size of the perimeter that Israel demanded, and for Israel to determine the identity of the prisoners it would release
Hamas agreed to all of Israel's conditions, and what's more, the Islamo-Nazi organization agreed to disarm and relinquish its rule in exchange for ending the war, without Israel committing to ending the war upon signing the partial agreement, and it was content with American and Arab guarantees to end the war. Even before the war began, we reported here that the fanatical plot, in an attempt to undermine the justice system, was the annexation of the West Bank; we quoted this from a senior and reliable source on the extreme right. When the war began, settlement in Gaza was added to the fanatical plot. Now Israel is at the moment of truth, when Hamas has accepted all of Israel's conditions in the proposed agreement: Will Israel prefer settlement in Gaza and military rule in the Strip over upholding its fundamental values of ransoming prisoners, of military victory in a short time, of political reconciliation with its neighbors and honoring agreements, of a relatively small number of casualties in its campaigns, as well as in preventing political and economic damage as well as the army's readiness for the next campaign? The delay in ending the war, since we first reported here (exclusively) about Hamas' agreement to disarm and relinquish power, in January 2024, has led to the formation of a new arena in the Middle East, in which the regional power, and the empire that ruled the East for 500 years, Turkey, has returned to the heart of the arena with rising military policy ambitions, which could threaten the sovereignty of the State of Israel. In this regard, the prayer of Turkish President Erdogan, that God would destroy the State of Israel, is remembered. This was caused by the delay in ending the war, and this will be deepened by another attack on Gaza.
By Meir Jurno and Mati Cohen
What will Benjamin Netanyahu do? This is the only question now, and it has the most complex, distinctly human element that Israel has encountered since the dawn of its revival. Never before the case of Benjamin Netanyahu has the Israeli public faced a leader whose behavior there is no way to predict through the prism of relevant military-political considerations.
On June 22, we reported here that Netanyahu had agreed for the first time to end the war. It is now clear that this exclusive report was groundbreaking; Netanyahu is now speaking freely about ending the war, whereas until our report he had completely denied it; however, in this context, another essential element in his behavior now appears, and that is his deep fear of a substantial political price for his decisions, for example the fall of his government; his fundamental decision of June 22 to end the war now encounters this element of fear, and draws him into the Gaza Strip on a senseless campaign of war, which contradicts all of Israel's values and aspirations since the dawn of its revival.
The jump between the two arenas of considerations, one substantive and the other political, also left its mark on Netanyahu's relationship with Chief of Staff Zamir. In the presence of his government, Netanyahu hissed at the Chief of Staff, "You are subordinate to me and you will do what I tell you to do," but in their private meeting, which we reported exclusively here, Netanyahu told Zamir that he had decided to end the war, and thus the two were coordinated. In our assessment, this coordination now also reflects the moderate response of the Chief of Staff to the government's moves, for example its decision to enter Gaza; the Chief of Staff, surprisingly, has almost no complaints about this, even though it is a baseless and extremely dangerous move.
At this moment, therefore, it is no longer possible to know for sure whether Netanyahu will agree to accept Hamas's surrender, and the current agreement is entirely the organization's surrender (even if, after the war, the Islamo-Nazi organization will undoubtedly claim to have defeated Israel), or whether Netanyahu will ignore it for the sake of the survival of his government, for the sake of his electorate, and for the sake of the fanatics' plot that we reported on before the war, annexation and settlement.
Hamas's agreements in the proposed agreement are as follows: 1. To disarm and relinquish power in Gaza (although the organization demands that the government that replaces it be Palestinian). 2. To be satisfied with American and Arab guarantees for the end of the war. 3. Hamas agrees in advance to the size of the perimeter Israel demanded 4. Hamas is currently giving up on the prisoners it had previously requested to be released, for example Marwan Barghouti, and has agreed that Israel will decide on the identity of the prisoners of war who will be released at this stage (regarding Barghouti and the others, whom Hamas will raise again in discussions about ending the war). 5. Hamas will release 10 live hostages, and 18 dead.