On February 12th, we wrote here about the fanatical plot against the Supreme Court on the way to annexing the West Bank and on the way to the establishment of the messianic illusion of David's kingdom. A short time later we wrote that Aryeh Deri is Israel's only political chance against the destruction that this intention may bring; Our argument was since fanaticism was able to leverage its power and mobilize a part of the Mizrahi public to its aid through the absolute control of Aryeh Deri in Shas. Now the question arises as to whether Deri, who was carried away by the fanatics and exploited by them (since the fundamental positions of Shas are moderate), and as a result the East was exploited, will regret his actions, and cross the line against Netanyahu and against the fanatics, thereby saving Israel from the danger of destruction. Aryeh Deri's dilemma It will probably be this: if he does not do this, that is, if he does not distance himself from the fanatics and the plot against the democratic regime in Israel, he will not be politically weakened immediately, but he may find himself in the future under a police investigation, if such an investigation is opened (as a result of the Shin Bet investigation ) to find out the traces of the fanatical connection against the democratic regime in Israel; According to a senior source on the political right, the connection against the courts for West Bank purposes began many years ago, but was accelerated by the coalition agreements.

 By Mati Cohen, The Israeli Palestinian Post’s editor

This week the penny dropped for Aryeh Deri, and he probably deeply understood the conspiracy of the extreme right; Mainly he realized that the fanatics swept him to their side, and he and Shas may in the future be considered part of the fanatical conspiracy against the foundations of the regime in Israel; since it is now clear to every Israeli that the fanatical striving created a threat to Israel's existence, it is possible that this plot has substantial criminal aspects. A senior source in the Shas movement He told us this week: "Arie Deri, it's been a few days since the mess, he got scared and said he has to broadcast that he's against because he feels that the whole mess is on him." Last week we even reported on the anger contained in the Shas, including among its Knesset members, that Deri brought the movement to blanket support for the legal legislation led by the extreme right.

Following the new understanding that seems to have come to Deri, he acted decisively, and within a week he froze the legislation to restore him to the position of minister, he was released from the cabinet, he distanced himself from Netanyahu, and it is possible that he will even try to get closer to Rabbi Ovadia Yosef's house, and maybe even stop his own attempts to take over as well On the Movement Council, the last bastion left for the opposition in the Shas. The deep fear that motivates Deri stems from the photos on the streets, in our estimation, this is the 13th week. The determination with which a public of hundreds of thousands analyzes the legal event as a fundamental violation of the foundations of the State of Israel, in our estimation, made Deri aware of the subtle difference between legitimate political behavior of the extreme right and behavior that could be considered subversive against the democratic foundations of the state. At the beginning of the crisis, our commentator on legal affairs noted here that the Shin Bet is, by law, responsible for protecting Israeli democracy from subversion; our assessment is therefore that the fanatical connection towards Israeli democracy may lead to an investigation by the Shin Bet and then a police investigation.

A senior political source in the extreme right, repeated in our ears what is known to many but needs to be clarified now: for many years the leadership of the extreme right, including Smotritz and Ben Gvir, have been talking about the need to weaken the High Court to reach their goals in Judea and Samaria. In addition to this, the source stated that: during the coalition agreements, the right-wing people suddenly found that Binyamin Netanyahu, who until then had refused to weaken the Supreme Court, suddenly agreed to this, and Aryeh Deri also followed Netanyahu's lead and agreed to legislation that would reduce the Supreme Court's power. The source noted, however, that the agreement of the two was only regarding the overcoming section, which was the only one that came up in the discussions, and there was no agreement regarding the complete tract of laws that emerged afterwards, including the change of the committee for the selection of judges. In this sense, both Deri and Netanyahu were misled. We do not know if they were misled maliciously.

This deception explains both the panic that found Deri now, and the panic that found Netanyahu, and its expression: the Prime Minister's loss of control over what was happening, to the point that he lost his judgment, fired Gallant, who was the only factor in his government that prevented the American government from attacking him; Indeed, as soon as Netanyahu fired him, the dam broke and Biden exploded on him. Netanyahu's loss of control is also reflected in the exhausted expression on his face when he surrendered and agreed to delay the despicable tract of laws: but Netanyahu, unlike Derai who can withdraw almost without harm to himself and the Shas, knows that if he completely gives up on the legislation, he will not have a government (unless he makes a move political for example with Deri and with Gantz, and will give up essential positions of power in his government), if he does not have a government then his political career will come to an end, And if it comes to an end, he will be completely exposed to his trial without having any lever of power towards the court (as required in a democracy, which he will not have). Therefore, it is expected that Netanyahu will continue the legislation, so that he does not reach his political end. Again: unless he makes a coordinated and comprehensive political move with Gantz and Deri.

In order to try to prove a fanatical plot, which as mentioned a thin line distinguishes it from legitimate political behavior, it is necessary to prove not only the desire of the fanatics for legal reform, but that they hid through the reform their real desire, which is to take over the West Bank, for which the weakening of the court is a necessity, through to their true destination. To this the senior political source in the extreme right said that regarding Smotritz and Ben Gvir he has known for years that they want to weaken the Supreme Court so that they can do what they want in Judea and Samaria.

For their desire to take control of the West Bank, Smotritz and Ben Gvir themselves have provided countless proofs since the elections. For example, the attempt to take over the civil administration, thereby governing the West Bank from a public point of view.

Smotrich was ready for this purpose, to disrupt the chain of command in the IDF since a civilian cannot accept executive responsibility for the Civil Administration in the West Bank without disrupting the military chain of command; And certainly, Ben Gvir's attempts to establish a military force, initially to take direct command of a police unit that operates mainly in Judea and Samaria, demonstrated the deep passion for the occupied territory.

The way zealots may prevent any opposition to the new regime – which will be without criticism by the High Court of Justice, was clarified this week by MK Avi Maoz, when following the speech he gave from the Knesset podium, he sent the following message to his supporters: "The last month proves once again what the Noam party has been saying since its establishment: 'Without a thorough treatment of the extreme left's takeover of the state's systems, we will not be able to fix it. MK Avi Maoz is promoting the establishment of an authority that will deal with the problem from the root! Last night Maoz presented a plan to liberate the state's systems. supporter? answer '1'

Well, these things are written in Hebrew, the language of many people who saw in their public existence freedom and liberties, certainly not fascist zeal. The zealous Maoz, as the announcement makes clear, wants to establish an authority that will deal with the problem from the root. What exactly is the problem? Well, it is specified in his words as follows: "in the takeover of the state systems by the extreme left". To the best of our understanding, since democracy in Israel is attributed to the ideology of the "extreme left", it must therefore be dealt with to deal with it. These things also correspond to the terrible things that some of the rabbis of the fanatics said and are still saying, led by Dov Lior who said in 2011 that "democracy is "Avoda Zara". That is, it is not related to the “people of Israel”. It is possible that the Shin Bet was also lax and allowed statements such as these to pass by the ears of all of us, without the person responsible for the statements being arrested, investigated, and above all it will be found out to what extent, if at all, his words harm Israel's democratic foundations. And again, here too, only a thin line separates the freedom of expression that is A fundamental rule in democracy, and it must be guarded with all vigilance, and striving against the foundations of Israel's democratic regime, and against the tract of values ​​expressed in the Declaration of Independence.

Maoz, Smotrich Ben Gvir and Rothman are not alone in the public sense, although they are not mass movements either. The fanatical public of which they are a part has, as mentioned, very cleverly leveraged its power through the eastern public of Shas, and through the eastern public of the Likud, part of which is motivated by anger and revenge for the Ashkenazi attack against the East from the dawn of the revival to the present day. The Ashkenazi racial attack against the East in Judaism disrupted the mechanism of Israeli politics, made chaos and chaos in it, and led to political distortion in advance, fanatics took good advantage of in the last election cycle. It is now clear that correcting the injustice towards the East is not only a literary public cultural matter but is an urgent political necessity in the way of protecting and maintaining the foundations of life in Israel, including freedom, equality, liberties and the strength of democratic institutions, led by the court.

It seems that even Yariv Levin, whose weakening of the judiciary has been at the heart of his thinking for decades, was surprised by the success of the zealots in misleading the political system: to lead to the weakening of the courts, not like him as a political thought and ideology, but with the aim of bringing about in the next step the annexation of the West Bank in an environment with little judicial criticism;

Levin was so surprised that he distanced himself from the fanatical group at the very beginning of the crisis and made sure that there would be a convincing proof of this: when he announced his reform, on the eve of the hearing in Deri's case. In this political behavior, Levin made it clear that there is in fact no political connection between the occurrence, the main points of which are like the main points of his action, and that for him it is a transparent and clear ideology that has no other goal behind it, other than the stated goal – the need to balance the authorities. The result is of course the same result, a deep damage to Israeli democracy, but this ideology, and Levin made it clear in his behavior that evening, is completely within the value of freedom of expression. And what if Levin had succeeded? Well, Israeli democracy does not have enough democratic tools to defend itself, and we have already said in the past that Israelis should bring about the establishment of an upper house of electors (see the publisher's notice on the right). In conclusion, a talented politician like Levin knew that if he behaved this way on the eve of the hearing on the suitability of Aryeh Deri's appointment, he would be accused of thwarting Deri's stay in the government, and thus he would be accused of disrupting the far right's pursuit of its goals, and this is probably exactly what Levin wanted: for surely such an action on his part would not It could be interpreted as support for the conspiracy of fanatics, if such a claim is raised in the future.

Yariv Levin, in our estimation, understood that the difference between a political idea and a conspiracy is in the question of whether the proposed idea is transparent and clear and communicated to the public fully and openly, or whether the real idea is hidden behind only a primary goal, for example weakening the legal opposition – towards a course of annexation.

The thing that Levin understood immediately, it seems that Netanyahu and Deri are only realizing now. And so Deri withdrew this week from political loyalties, and perhaps following the additional consideration, he will sharpen the new understanding, and save Israel as he is able to do; Such public behavior may distance him and Shas very much from the extremism that contradicts the famous moderation of Shas; Netanyahu also took a step back, but he did not remove the fanatical sword that is still being waved over Israeli democracy, since negotiations are indeed underway at the president's house, but his associates are already making it clear that the legislation will continue if no agreement is reached. And it is already clear on the other hand that an agreement that would weaken the judiciary will not happen, because the Israeli public will not accept such an agreement. There is no sane person in Israel who is not aware of this, unless he is not watching what is happening on the street. And the chance that Netanyahu will give in and suspend the legislation completely is close to zero since Netanyahu knows that if there is no legal reform, Netanyahu is not in politics, and if Netanyahu is not in politics, there is zero leverage on the court regarding his trial.